US Foreign Policy: What is the Best Policy on Taiwan?

By JOSEPH KIM ‘26

Taiwan. An issue that binds many to firm opinions and confuses others. From the perspective of the United States, Taiwan serves as the preeminent tension builder with China and is the centerpiece of the global rivalry between the two powers. American policy towards Taiwan sets the tone for policy for all Indo-Pacific interests. Because Taiwan is so crucial for my country’s social policies, I share my view on the issue to build constructive discussion to facilitate growth in understanding, and with no intentions of converting fellow Exonians to my point of view.

American policy towards Taiwan and anywhere in the Indo-Pacific region begins with the current primary rival of the United States: the People’s Republic of China. The nature of China’s foreign policy appears aggressive and expansionist. The government cracks down on internal peaceful demonstrations and actively dismantles any national identities besides Chinese within its borders. Furthermore, the Chinese army has built military camps in disputed areas along its border with India, and its navy violates internationally recognized water boundaries of nations in the South China Sea. China’s Belt and Road Initiative aims to expand its economic influence, especially in the Indian Ocean, the Middle East, and Europe, purchasing immense political leverage. The Chinese military has recently improved qualitatively and renewed threats against nearby US allies. Should the United States be worried? Of course. Any global hegemon should certainly take notice and respond when a rival, especially one whose political interests significantly conflict with that of the hegemon, threatens its position. If economically restricting China is nearly impossible, containing the rival’s military capabilities is all the more necessary. 

In the same way that the easiest time to limit bacterial growth is often when its population is lowest, the United States can contain Chinese geopolitical expansion most easily when China is at its weakest, not after it grows in power. This idea entails confining China to its current borders and gradually shrinking China’s sphere of influence until China is no longer a threat. Rather than waiting to halt Chinese expansion at the US’ front door, the US should immediately impede the aggression at China’s front door, Taiwan. Taiwan lies at the junction of Japan’s Ryukyu Islands and the Philippines, establishing an irreplaceable part of the United States’ ring of allies on the western edge of the Pacific. Establishing political control over Taiwan through direct invasion or political and economic leverage would grant China access to expand its influence, forcing the United States into a conflict with far more severe ramifications for allies such as South Korea, Japan, or the Philippines. Appeasing China by not defending Taiwan because “Taiwan is a part of China” is wrong and dangerous; China, like all powers, including the United States, will not end the expansion of influence at borders of national identity unless another power suppresses its growth.

Nonetheless, although playing tough against China is necessary, compromise will be inevitable. The United States should limit China’s growth as much as possible while avoiding a full-scale war. For example, stationing US troops in Taiwan with the ROC’s permission would likely enrage China, considering the Chinese Communist Party considers Taiwan a sovereign territory of the PRC. However, militarily protecting Taiwan by maintaining a naval presence in the Taiwan Strait may be less belligerent but accomplish the same objective of deterring Chinese military action against Taiwan. Of course, any US military action in what the Chinese government considers Chinese waters would be declared a violation of Chinese sovereignty by the CCP\,but such a “violation” is unlikely to be grounds for a full-out war.

Recognition of Taiwan is a complicated issue, considering that both ROC and PRC officially maintain a One-China policy. Should the ROC amend its policy, the US must be ready to back them diplomatically and militarily as a functionally and officially independent state. In truth, the ROC is functionally an independent state, and only a minority of Taiwanese (most of whom belong to older generations) consider themselves nationally Chinese. However, given the current political circumstances in both countries, the US should maintain the status quo of recognizing the PRC as a single sovereign nation but be unafraid to use that recognition as a bargaining chip against China, along with potential other “aggressions” against China. 

Besides actions potent to stir a colossal war between China and Taiwan (or even a world war), the US can become more direct and assertive against China’s threats to Taiwanese de-facto independence and sovereignty. A robust naval presence in the South China Sea, East China Sea, and even the Taiwan Strait would help deter Chinese aggression in foreign waters and obstruct any threats of a PLA landing on Taiwan’s shores. A second permanently forward-deployed carrier within a couple of thousand miles of Taiwan (in addition to the USS Ronald Reagan in Japan) would be a helpful deterrent. 

Although completely alienating China would be crushing for US economic interests, allowing China free rein to encroach upon US allies, be it Taiwan, the Philippines, Vietnam, or India, is not acceptable. Optimally, US policy towards helping Taiwan should be no different than our policy to aid any other ally. Strict adherence to avoiding offending the Chinese government is rotten—even cowardly. If the United States can sanction Russia and send military aid to its enemy undaunted, the US ought to be courageous enough to stand up for its Pacific allies against China’s intimidation; thus, support for Taiwan, including an impenetrable naval presence in the Taiwan Strait, is well-grounded. While we often question the “correct” American position on Taiwan, the responsibility lies with China to graduate from the notion of Taiwan’s reintegration and accept that East Asia is not China’s playground for bullying.