Vigor and Vitriol
Donald Trump is undoubtedly one of the most polarizing figures in recent history. With a mention of his name or at the sight of a “Make America Great Again” sign, you can be sure to see a blend of vitriolic condemnation, cultish support and everything in between. His divisiveness poses an intriguing question: what is it that both fuels his supporter’s zealotry and provokes millions to march against him?
His bluster and disregard of traditional diplomacy counters the long-standing political establishment with which millions of Americans are disillusioned. With both the Democratic and Republican parties representing the interests of the middle and upper classes respectively, the working class has been left behind by the politicians of the United States. The share of working-class voters and trade-union members who have voted for an independent presidential candidate has doubled from just over thirty percent in 1992 to around sixty percent in 2016.
Therefore, it is not surprising that a figure who declares himself an enemy of the establishment is supported by those who the establishment has forgotten. Compared to past presidential elections, Trump performed better than nearly every Republican candidate with self-described members of the working class in the past twenty years.
The idea that racism and sexism—as well as other discriminatory ideologies—incited Trump’s election deflects blame from the prejudice of the middle and upper class onto the distinct, imagined prejudice of the lower class.
Undoubtedly, part of his support stems from racist and sexist members of both traditional right-wing groups and neo-rightist circles like the so-called “alt-right.” However, it is not racism and sexism alone that got Trump elected.
It stands to reason that if Trump truly is a bigot, and that he gained his support from said bigotry, that his opposition should be strongest in the groups he is allegedly targeting. If his election was the antithesis of Obama’s presidency, then it would be expected that Obama’s supporters would not support the likes of Trump.
A year after his election, the numbers tell a different story. Rasmussen Reports estimates that several million Americans switched their vote from Obama in 2012 to Trump in 2016. The idea that Trump’s presidency is a product of American racism and sexism is a bourgeois construction, a result of the classist prejudice of middle-class progressives against the stereotype of stupid and backward hicks who hate black people. The idea that racism and sexism—as well as other discriminatory ideologies—incited Trump’s election deflects blame from the prejudice of the middle and upper class onto the distinct, imagined prejudice of the lower class. Trump, given the newly-trending support for anti-establishment sentiments as Bernie Sanders, is no surprise at all.
Opposition to Trump has mostly taken the form of marches and activism indirectly targeting policies or in reaction to events only loosely tied to Trump’s policies. Compared to rallies and protests organized just ten years ago, their scale has swelled to a size reminiscent of, if not exceeding, the demonstrations during the peak of the Civil Rights Movement. Even by conservative estimates, the Women’s March drew upwards of 3.3 million marchers in the United States, while the March for Our Lives brought out nearly one and a half million.
While it is inspiring to see the American people take back an active role in their politics, it is often unclear as to exactly what has caused this surge in political involvement and activism since Trump’s politics following his inauguration have mostly been in line with those of traditional orthodox Republicans. This is not to say that Trump’s positions are not despicable, but instead that they are equally despicable as those of prior Republican presidents. Trump has proved to be no more dangerous than any other neoconservative de-regulationist that preceded him, and should be treated as such. The mass movements running counter to him are well-intentioned and deserving of recognition, but their self-centeredness and single-minded focus on Trump is less than useful in advancing a progressive agenda.
Evidently, the recent uptick in progressive action does not stem from his grievous presidential policies. Indeed, the most common critique of Trump is of his personal antics: sex scandals, foul-mouthedness and other assorted crude behaviours. Trump is yet to make an egregiously out-of-line policy choice—though this may change in the near future with recent developments in Syria and the Ukraine—that could spur progressives to action. Middle class progressives’ disdain for Trump stems from their hegemonic senses of morality and tradition, as opposed to ideologically grounded disagreement.
Ultimately, the recent vitality of politics is a strong positive indication of the state of the American social landscape. Trump has served well as a foil to progressives, but it is up to progressives themselves to move past the classical traditions and superficialities that drive their hate for Trump and promote a progressive agenda that stands by itself.
As long as the American reformist center and left remains fixated on Trump and the imagined-ism’s of the working class and many white citizens, the progressive cause will remain hopelessly lost. Middle and upper class progressives must get over their conceit and holier-than-thou morality if they wish to win back the support of the working class.